By George Meneshian
Special to the Mirror-Spectator
What is the situation of Syrian Armenians four months after the fall of the Assad regime?
Regime change in Syria had an immense impact on the already dwindling Armenian community in the country. While initial fears of large-scale attacks against Christian communities proved, fortunately, to be unfounded, Armenians, like most Christians, had felt relatively secure under the state-sponsored secularism of the Assad government.
However, the emergence of new authorities, primarily composed of Islamist former rebel groups under the now-dissolved Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham, has left people living with a persistent sense of fear, unsure of what the future holds. The tragic events on the Syrian coast in March, marked by a massacre of innocent civilians at the hands of both Islamists and members of the security forces, have exacerbated this anxiety. Particularly alarming were reports that two Armenians were among the victims.
In Aleppo, the primary hub of Syrian-Armenians, Christians, including Armenians, were allowed to celebrate Christmas, but life has not fully returned to its pre-conflict state. One notable change is that Christian-owned stores are now closed on Fridays — the Muslim day of rest — while remaining open on Sundays. The same pattern applies to schools: although they remain open, they must adhere to the Islamic calendar. For instance, Armenian schools were instructed to close during the Eid al-Fitr holiday. Additionally, alcohol is now banned, and there have been isolated incidents of verbal and physical attacks by Muslim individuals. Despite these challenges, the new authorities have not systematically targeted Christians.
At the same time, the transitional government’s decision to elevate the role of Islamic law in the provisional constitution has sparked further fears among Armenians, many of whom are deeply concerned about the preservation of their religious freedoms and rights. Nevertheless, Armenian organizations and churches continue to operate, maintaining regular activities while community and religious leaders stay in close contact with the authorities.
Armenians, like other Aleppo residents, face ongoing challenges related to basic services. Water and electricity shortages remain unresolved, with the new authorities providing just four hours of electricity per day. Although the supply was increased to six hours daily in late March, technical issues with electricity production facilities have caused frequent outages, not only in Aleppo but also in other cities, including Damascus. As financial struggles persist after 14 years of war and poverty, many people are forced to pay for power from private generators, which is burdensome and costly.
Economic hardship is further compounded by inflation and the difficulty of securing basic goods, despite the influx of Turkish products. Long-standing conflict and the devastating February 2023 earthquake have left much of the infrastructure damaged or dysfunctional. Employment opportunities are scarce, and housing costs remain unaffordable for most.
Meanwhile, crime rates have surged dramatically. After sunset, streets are almost deserted, as burglaries, robberies and shoplifting have become commonplace. The lack of adequate military and security personnel is particularly evident in Aleppo and across the government-controlled regions, with Damascus being the only potential exception. The situation has become so severe that local authorities aligned with the transitional government have requested Armenian volunteers to assist with neighborhood patrols, to which the community has agreed. However, Armenians who participate in patrols are unarmed.
Moreover, government services are virtually nonexistent. Basic administrative tasks, such as renewing passports, selling property, or handling official documentation, are nearly impossible without functioning state agencies.
Despite the upheaval, Armenia promptly reopened its embassy in Damascus and the Consulate General in Aleppo, establishing communication with the new transitional government under Ahmed al-Sharaa (also known as Abu Mohammad al-Jolani). In late March, the Armenian government dispatched humanitarian aid to Syria through Turkey. However, despite this re-engagement, many within the Armenian community feel that Armenia has not done enough to support them in these challenging times.
Although the situation has not dramatically changed from the final years of the Assad regime, struggles persist, and uncertainty looms. Many remain fearful and pessimist about the fate of the remaining Christian populations, despite al-Sharaa’s assurances of respecting diversity and minority rights. Several Armenian families have already left or are planning to leave for Armenia or other countries.
Armenia must do more. Syrian Armenians contributed significantly to Armenia’s post-independence development and have consistently supported both Armenia and Mountainous Karabakh (Artsakh). Today, with the Syrian Armenian community facing ongoing instability, the Armenian state has a responsibility to respond proactively. Armenia should facilitate the safe and dignified exodus of those who wish to leave, while simultaneously bolstering efforts to preserve and support the small community that chooses to remain. This includes providing more than symbolic humanitarian assistance, supporting cultural preservation initiatives, and engaging in more active and consistent diplomatic efforts to ensure their security.
At the same time, prosperous Armenian diaspora communities in the United States, France, and beyond can play a constructive role. In addition to offering financial support, they can intensify lobbying efforts to pressure influential governments to urge Damascus to uphold the rights and safety of Syrian Christians, including Armenians.
Through a coordinated and compassionate effort, both Armenia and its global diaspora can help safeguard this vulnerable yet resilient community.
(George Meneshian is a policy analyst specializing in the Caucasus and Middle East, currently serving as Head of the Middle East Research Group at the Institute of International Relations (IDIS) in Athens, Greece. He studied International Relations at Panteion University in Athens and earned his master’s degree in Middle East, Caucasus, and Central Asia Studies from the University of St Andrews in the United Kingdom. He has authored numerous articles and papers across various platforms and has been featured in multiple media outlets. In 2024, he published a book on Greek-Armenian relations — soon to be translated into English — and has co-authored four other books.)
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