Sergey Lavrov: Good afternoon, colleagues.
We have not met for a long time, for understandable reasons, but the pandemic is not the only matter of concern for us. Many other developments are underway around the world, including close to Russia’s borders and other regions where Russia has legitimate interests. This is why I was delighted to meet with you today in this format. I am at your service. Maria Zakharova will moderate the process.
Question: About the Nagorno-Karabkah settlement and Turkey’s role in the region: First, how will Turkish observers work in the ceasefire monitoring centre in Azerbaijan, and have the boundaries of their mobility been set? Second, the heads of the Turkish foreign and defence ministries announced this morning that Turkey would play the same role as Russia in the ceasefire monitoring process. Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu has proposed that the parliament should be asked to approve the deployment of Turkish troops there. Does Ankara have the right to do this, and how can its latest actions be assessed considering that the joint statement on Nagorno-Karabakh by the leaders of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia does not even mention Turkey?
Sergey Lavrov: The mobility of Turkish observers will be limited by the geographic coordinates of the Russian-Turkish monitoring centre in a region of Azerbaijan located away from Nagorno-Karabakh, which is yet to be chosen for the centre. A memorandum to this effect was signed yesterday between the defence ministers of Russia and Turkey. The centre will operate exclusively remotely, using live monitoring and recording systems, such as drones and other technology, to monitor the situation on the ground in Nagorno-Karabakh, primarily on the contact line, and to determine which party violates and which party complies with the terms of the ceasefire and termination of hostilities. The boundaries of the Turkish observers’ mobility will be limited to the premises that are to be set up on the territory of Azerbaijan, not in the zone of the former conflict.
I have read the statements made by Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu and Defence Minister Hulusi Akar to the effect that Turkey will be working on the same conditions as Russia. This refers exclusively to the centre that is to be deployed in Azerbaijan, will be stationary and will not conduct any on-site missions. It is true that Russian and Turkish observers and specialists will be working at this centre on equal conditions. But no Turkish peacekeeping units will be deployed in Nagorno-Karabakh. This is clearly stated in the three leaders’ statement you mentioned.
Many people, including in Russia, are misinterpreting the agreements reached. I was astounded by some of these self-professed experts’ deliberations. Speculations also abound in other countries, but the thing to go by is what has been put down on paper following the intensive talks held throughout the week before the announcement of the ceasefire.
Question: Since yesterday, we have been hearing some people in Armenia calling to denounce the agreement reached by Azerbaijan and Armenia with President Putin’s mediation, which can be construed as a provocation fraught with resumption of hostilities. At the same time, a number of speakers are trying to portray the presence of the Russian peacekeepers as a shield. What can you say about this? Do you think this is dangerous, and what may the consequences be like?
Sergey Lavrov: The current phase of the conflict began following extremely emotional, aggressive and confrontational statements that have been piling up for rather a long time. Our preference would have been to have seen the conflict settled a long time ago based on the principles developed by the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs. President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev mentioned them more than once and emphasised his willingness to comply with the co-chairs’ proposals based on these principles. Had we followed that path, the result would have probably been almost the same with regard to liberating five and then two districts. However, first, it would have been done without bloodshed and, second, it would have been done as part of the final political settlement.
These peaceful proposals and political and diplomatic steps that were shared by everyone without exception at some point came into question lately. It was said that returning five and two districts would fail to provide any reliable security. Emotionally charged, tough and aggressive statements began to pile up on both sides. The atmosphere was heating up. Incidents flared up on the Armenia-Azerbaijan border. They were quickly suppressed, but the desire for a speedy resolution hung in the air.
The OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs made some efforts and came up with a number of appeals. Later, statements were adopted at the level of the foreign ministers of Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia, which were subsequently reiterated in new documents initiated by the French and then by the Americans as co-chairs. None of this was conducive to ending the bloodshed, since the ceasefire monitoring mechanism that the co-chairs urged to create, failed to materialise.
Extensive talks at the level of the presidents of Russia and Azerbaijan and the prime minister of Armenia over the past week gave these agreements a whole new dimension. President Putin spoke with each of his colleagues several times a day. The efforts focused on coordinating the peacekeeping operation and were crowned with success. At Baku and Yerevan’s request, Russia decided on its membership. The mission is being deployed in Nagorno-Karabakh on the line of contact, while simultaneously securing the Lachin corridor as a transport link between Nagorno-Karabakh and the Republic of Armenia.
We are aware of the protests in Yerevan, and the fact that the opposition is trying to take advantage of these developments. Of course, some of them are really hurt by the current outcome. However, there must be no illusion that the seven districts around Nagorno-Karabakh would forever keep the status they had 45 to 60 days ago.
I believe that the officials in charge had to explain to the people that at some point the settlement will have to be implemented in accordance with the principles outlined by the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs. These principles have been on the table for many years now. They opened the door to resolving the conflict without any bloodshed or damage to anyone’s security in this region, primarily, the Karabakh Armenians and other ethnic groups living in Nagorno-Karabakh , as well as the countries of the region, namely, Armenia and Azerbaijan.
Unblocking all transport and economic communication routes must play an enormous positive role in this region’s revival, including in the recovery of Armenia’s economy, which was damaged more than others in the wake of severed trade and transport links connecting it with Azerbaijan and Turkey. At the moment, under the agreement that has entered into force, these routes are being restored. The economy should be able to breathe now, and transport connectivity with Armenia’s partners will be restored. I’m confident that everyone will benefit if we act upon our agreements. So far, I see no sign of anyone trying to thwart the agreements.
We are talking with our Armenian colleagues. Yesterday, President Putin spoke with Prime Minister Pashinyan. This morning, I spoke with Foreign Minister of Armenia Zohrab Mnatsakanyan. I’m convinced that the Armenian government is fully aware of its responsibilities and signed these agreements based on the highest interests of its people. I’m convinced that this agreement’s integrity will be preserved, and it will be acted upon. At least, I can see numerous political forces in Armenia which understand what is going on and are drawing proper conclusions.
Question: About paragraphs four and nine of the ceasefire statement. Paragraph four says the peacekeeping contingent of the Russian Federation is there for five years with automatic extension for further five-year periods.
Is the presence of Russian peacekeepers a temporary or an indefinite security guarantee for the people of Nagorno-Karabakh?
Sergey Lavrov: You have quoted the paragraphs that contain an answer to your question. The term is five years. It can be renewed for another five years if, six months before its expiration, neither party proposes to cancel the extension. This is what it says.
I think it is a perfectly reasonable wording. It creates a sufficient horizon for the situation not only to calm down, but also to get on a constructive track, because there is so much that needs to be done in Nagorno-Karabakh. I will just mention the need to handle all the status-related issues, primarily with regard to ensuring the rights of ethnic and religious groups that have lived there and are living there now. All refugees and displaced persons have the right to return to Nagorno-Karabakh, back to their cultural, civilisational and religious roots.
They will need to decide what happens to the numerous religious facilities – churches and mosques – many of which are in a deplorable state. This also applies to sites of worship in other parts of the region. The Armenian side has repeatedly raised the issue of Christian churches in Nakhichevan. Now that we are finally embarking on a peaceful settlement after the cessation of hostilities, all matters concerning the cultural heritage of Armenians, Azerbaijanis and other groups living in these countries should be given special attention, I am sure. It will be one of the most important steps to help restore interethnic peace and harmony. Overall, a lot remains to be done to ensure that the cultural heritage of Armenians and Azerbaijanis, the nations that are very closely and deeply historically connected with Nagorno-Karabakh, will also become a unifying factor in the steps to be taken.
I hope that this five-year period the Russian peacekeeping contingent will stay in the region, which is where we started, will at least lay a solid foundation for further progress in this direction. I would not get ahead of myself as to what will happen after five years. We are fully confident that the parties are interested in the presence of the Russian peacekeepers. We have included a reservation about the possibility of terminating their mandate, but let’s not project anything right now, nor make any predictions. Let’s support the Russian peacekeepers in fulfilling their complicated and important mandate to ensure that peaceful life returns to Karabakh, in every corner of that region.
Question: What is the point of negotiating the extension of the New START treaty with Donald Trump’s administration, which is obviously leaving (and which offered no more than a one-year extension, with preconditions) when the most likely President-elect, Joe Biden, seems to be offering five years without any preconditions?
Sergey Lavrov: When you ask what the point is in doing something now you imply that we are interested in it. We expressed and demonstrated our interest by stating that we need the proposals on the table no more than the Americans do.
I have been reading rather fidgety comments from Washington – primarily, from the depths of the outgoing administration, or Donald Trump’s administration. There is no complete clarity yet about whether it is in fact outgoing. But in any case, it is outgoing because, even if the Republicans get the White House, it will still be a new administration. We have been hearing rather fidgety comments from the depths of the Trump administration, something along the lines of Russia having little time to decide who to sign the treaty with, Donald Trump or Joe Biden – as a gift to the latter. Perhaps Russia still wants to make Donald Trump happy and let him steal this foreign policy triumph from Joe Biden.
All this talk again resembles self-professed experts’ deliberations and a product of the mindset of who wins and who loses. This is not where our interests lie. We are interested in a mutual victory. When it comes to the New START, in the current environment, all sides can win only if the treaty is extended without any preconditions. We proposed this more than a year ago but for some reason the Americans started looking for signs of our weakness and our great interest in extending the treaty at any cost, so they started to make unacceptable demands. Lately, they have been saying that they are ready to extend the treaty, on the condition that not only do we have to freeze all nuclear warheads through political commitments but we also have to recount them and check which category these warheads belong to, and immediately establish control over the facilities producing these warheads.
We have already been in a situation when American inspectors sat outside the checkpoints of our military plants in the 1990s. There is no coming back to this system. Then they also started saying that they were ready to extend but, in addition to exhibiting all our warheads and putting American experts at the checkpoints of the plants where the warheads were produced, we also had to destroy a couple of our new military developments such as Poseidon and Burevestnik. They were ready to discuss the rest but these two, they had to be destroyed. I don’t know if this is more about interest in a real dialogue on strategic stability to ensure the security of their country, their allies and humanity as a whole, or it is just a publicity stunt, inflating one’s worth and trying to look tough.
Considering the current commotion in the United States caused by the ongoing vote recount, lawsuits and other perturbation, we cannot expect any coherent proposals from either Trump’s people or Joe Biden’s team – I mean proposals that would be realistic rather than riddled with these temporary domestic political considerations. So we will wait until the dust settles.
President Vladimir Putin already said that we need this treaty no more than the Americans do. We would like to extend it. We put everything that can be done for that on the table. Now it’s up to the Americans. If their answer is no, we can live without this treaty. We have everything we need to ensure our security. This was once again convincingly reiterated during a recent series of meetings in Sochi between the Russian President, the military and representatives of the defence industry.
Question: US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has had several meetings on Nagorno-Karabakh, but to no avail. Can Washington play a constructive role in this process, and do you expect any foreign policy changes regarding this issue from the Biden administration?
Sergey Lavrov: You said that the meeting US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has held was to no avail. I wouldn’t say that it was not successful. Since the beginning of the hostilities, the co-chairs have taken efforts [to stop the fighting], including at the highest level. The presidents of Russia, the United States and France adopted a statement urging the parties to stop the hostilities and to start the process of political settlement based on the proposals made by the co-chairs during the past few years. That statement did not produce any results; the conflicting parties refused to listen. After that, the foreign ministers of Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia adopted a statement in Moscow, which called for the termination of hostilities and included a commitment of Yerevan and Baku to stop the hostilities and to establish a verification mechanism. It has not produced any results either. Then the President of France put forth an initiative. One more statement was coordinated remotely in support of the previous moves. And ultimately there was the US initiative for a meeting to which the foreign ministers of Azerbaijan and Armenia were invited.
Taken together, this has created a critical mass, which made it possible to translate the will of the international community, put forth in the numerous statements of the co-chairs, into practical actions taken by the presidents of Russia and Azerbaijan and the prime minister of Armenia in the last few days before November 10.
I had a telephone conversation with my French colleague yesterday. My subordinates spoke with our American partners. We sensed a degree of disappointment on their part because we had not updated them on the details of the process. First of all, we pointed out openly a number of times (President Putin mentioned this) that we were working towards a ceasefire based on the co-chairs’ positions. Second, when it comes to a more concrete and detailed updating, the talks on the November 9 statement made in Moscow went on for several days round the clock; we had several telephone conversations every day. Therefore, if what they mean is that we should have briefed our American and French partners after every such conversation, this was physically impossible. I am sure that the explanations we have ultimately provided were accepted in the right spirit. I have concluded from my telephone conversation with the French foreign minister yesterday that this is so.
By the way, we have proposed that the UN Security Council should welcome the ceasefire agreements, given that they are in keeping with the co-chairs’ initiatives. We do not want to put a distance between us and our American and French colleagues in any way. Moreover, we have invited them to Moscow and they will come within a few days to hold a detailed discussion on their possible assistance to the implementation of the agreements, especially in terms of rebuilding peaceful life in Nagorno-Karabakh, ensuring the coexistence of ethnic and religious groups, restoring cultural facilities and religious objects, and ensuring their safe functioning based on mutual respect. A crucial role in this respect can be played by the co-chairs and UN bodies, primarily UNESCO.
We have launched preliminary discussions with our colleagues at other specialised UN agencies, in particular, the UN Refugee Agency and the International Committee of the Red Cross, which is not a UN body but is closely cooperating with all countries on international humanitarian matters. The ICRC has a mandate for operating in Armenia and Azerbaijan, including in Nagorno-Karabakh. This mandate was approved years ago. We have spoken with ICRC leadership in Geneva. We expect ICRC President Peter Maurer to come to Moscow next week. We will talk about how the ICRC can resume its efforts in the new conditions to promote the exchange of the dead, prisoners of war, hostages and other detainees. In other words, the co-chairs still have a great role to play, as the foreign minister of Armenia has reaffirmed in a telephone conversation today. Yesterday I spoke by telephone with the foreign minister of Azerbaijan, who also reaffirmed his country’s interest in the continued cooperation of the co-chairs.
Question: Do you expect any changes in the Biden administration’s foreign policy, not just in relation to Nagorno-Karabakh, but in general?
Sergey Lavrov: You are aware, of course, that diplomats should project certain developments and potential changes in their partners’ approaches to various problems in the international arena. However, I think that speculating on this matter at this point is not a very good idea. Of course, we are following the developments in the United States which is a major power. Much, but not everything, in the international arena is still depending on it. We can only follow the statements that are being made and take note of the names that are mentioned as potential new participants in the US foreign policy processes. Names are being mentioned by President Trump’s administration as well. Joe Biden, too, is mentioning names of the people he would like to have on his team.
Judging by the first signs of what the US foreign policy may be like in the event Joe Biden gets inaugurated, it appears that it will follow the line promoted by Barack Obama, which is understandable, as Biden was his vice-president. Primarily, it concerns the climate, returning to the Paris Agreement, and the Iranian nuclear programme. However, it’s trickier than it looks. As we know from numerous statements, even if the Democratic administration decides to return to the JCPOA it will not do so in a straightforward manner, but will try to alter the agreement in its favour in order to make it lucrative and intrusive towards Iran. I’m not sure how much promise this approach holds, and I’m not going to speculate on it. I’m simply designating the things that we will need to deal with after the vote counting campaign is finally over in the United States.
I hope that the United States will adopt a more constructive approach to the WTO regardless of the outcome of the elections, and that Washington will not block the WTO activities or try to destroy or replace it with ad hoc bilateral agreements with its partners around the world which will not be connected by any logic other than the desire to derive maximum benefit for the United States. In general, Europeans are expecting to see greater versatility in Washington’s approaches after this saga is over. We will wait and see.
Our political scientists are not expecting any revolutionary changes on the Russian track, and I mostly agree with them. America is deeply divided as we can see from the presidential vote. Clearly, responsible politicians must look for ways to overcome this divide and promote unifying ideas that will unite the American people. Here, too, many observers believe that the attitude towards Russia is something that may serve as common ground for the Republicans and the Democrats in order for them to unite and address common issues. Over the past four years, beginning with the last few months of Obama’s presidency, Russophobia in American society has become so widespread as to become part of political culture. It will be a shame to see the United States trying to reunite as a nation based on Russophobia. But we’ll see.
Question: Protests have been going on in Belarus for many months now. Not much can be heard about the constitutional reform and it’s hard to objectively cover the situation given that the Belarusian Foreign Ministry has not yet issued new accreditations to the applicants. Will the Russian Foreign Ministry assist Russian journalists in this matter?
Sergey Lavrov: We will, of course, assist our journalists. We are planning to hold a meeting of the joint collegium of the foreign ministries of Russia and Belarus this month. We will definitely touch upon this matter there. But even without waiting for the collegium, we are posing these questions to our partners as part of our daily activities. Frankly, I haven’t heard about any Russian journalists having any problem in this regard recently. I’m sure Director of the Information and Press Department Maria Zakharova is in the loop, and she will help me out, if need be. I will definitely get involved if I have to. I see no reason why Russian journalists would not receive accreditation in time, as, for that matter, the vast majority of other journalists who want to work in Belarus, with the exception of those who are directly involved in the assignments seeking to undermine the political situation in the capital and other cities of Belarus. We have witnessed such cases, and the Belarusian authorities have mentioned them.
Speaking of the situation in general, we are concerned that the unrest continues, but we are satisfied with the fact that the protests are fading away. The number of the unauthorised rallies’ participants is waning. Last Sunday, there were anywhere from 3,000 to 5,000 protesters, which is well below the numbers we’ve seen before when over 100,000 people took to the streets. Clearly, this decrease reflects understanding by the people who took to the streets and wanted to be heard that the situation needs to be calmed down and a constructive dialogue started, especially since the authorities have come up with quite actionable proposals. They remain on the table, I mean the constitutional reform.
But fewer numbers of sincere protesters who want a better life and a dialogue with the authorities and want to be heard is offset by the aggressive behaviour of the people who are now taking to the streets. Clearly, this is a different crowd that wants to provoke law enforcement agencies into having to use force. Young people, among them many criminals, are taking to the streets armed with cobblestones, iron bars and Molotov cocktails. They are clearly looking for aggressive action.
This is a provocation, an attempt to prevent the situation from evolving into a political dialogue, which is what President Lukashenko is calling for when he promotes the constitutional reform initiative. As far as I understand, it is being actively discussed now. I cannot say that it has been put on hold. There’s a schedule and there’s content that is being explained to the people: limiting the powers of the president of Belarus and redistributing some of the presidential responsibilities between the legislative authority, the government and regional authorities. The possibility of reforming the parliament is being discussed so that it becomes unicameral and be elected either by a mixed or proportional system. All this will be submitted to the Belarusian People’s Assembly for consideration. The dates have already been set for the next month, or January, after which the draft new constitution will be submitted to a national referendum.
We are making every effort to support this process and are operating on the premise that broad groups of society, trade unions, labour collectives, students, youth organisations, non-governmental associations, and political parties should be involved in drafting the constitutional amendments and a new constitution. Healthy opposition forces should be involved in this as well.
Unfortunately, the opposition, which is now operating from outside the country, from Vilnius and Warsaw, takes a different position. They do not want any dialogue. They are not offering any constructive counter-programme, except for replacing President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko. They demand his resignation and new presidential elections. It is very difficult to estimate the potential programme the opposition leaders might propose for that hypothetical election they are demanding. Judging by their slogans, it seems they want to return to the period in their history when Belarus was not an independent country, not an independent republic, but part of other states. Well, the Belarusian people should probably decide themselves how they feel about those leaders trying to determine their future like this.
As you know, a Coordination Council has been set up in Vilnius, and National Anti-Crisis Management in Warsaw. These people are received in European capitals, in European parliamentary agencies. I don’t think our Western colleagues are ignorant of what they are doing. And yet, they declare for all to hear that it is not an attempt to change the government in Minsk, it is not an attempt to drive a wedge between Belarus and the Russian Federation, yet all these good intentions are not confirmed by their actions. The Belarusian opposition is actually supported financially and is being incited to adopt an uncompromising position and demand a change of regime, to go on indefinite strikes, which failed, and many other things brought from the outside to maintain this confrontational atmosphere.
The United States, Canada and the European Union have announced personal sanctions against President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko and his closest allies on his administration. We know that there is more than just financing of protests, including those involving thugs with criminal backgrounds and attempts to carry out force provocations. There are messages distributed on social media, also from Warsaw and Vilnius, which contain instructions, and we have seen them. Those are instructions on how to make incendiary mixtures and explosives – the Molotov cocktails and much more. Therefore, our position is very simple. Stop interfering in the internal affairs of Belarus. All Belarusians, including the opposition, need to be encouraged to participate in a political settlement process through constitutional reform. Playing the confrontational card in Belarus on international platforms is a destructive and malicious idea.
As you know, the OSCE has activated the so-called Moscow Mechanism, created in 1990, a period when those who wanted the collapse of the Soviet Union were quite euphoric. This Moscow Mechanism was now used to prepare a remote report (it was also considered by the European Parliament), and use it as a basis for a resolution calling for comprehensive assistance to the Belarusian opposition and setting up an aid fund to be transferred to the people of Belarus as soon as the current regime is overthrown. The resolution was approved. This is a very harmful undertaking.
Incidentally, the UN Human Rights Council has the Universal Periodic Review process to evaluate the human rights situation in each member state. It so happens that just a week ago, it was the turn of Belarus to be reviewed after about a year and a half of preparations. The results of the review of Belarus’s 18-month effort to strengthen human rights were appreciated at the HRC. I am not saying that everything is so good there. No country has a perfect human rights record. However, it is not a black and white picture, but it is much more complex. A reasonable politician who wants all peoples to live in accordance with their interests and decide their future independently should help create the right conditions for this. And those who want to play geopolitical games will cherish and nurture oppositionists, invite them to foreign bases and give them a platform to direct and manage processes in their country from there. Belarus’s experience is very sad. I think even the benefactors of the Belarusian protests realise the idea is hopeless, but unfortunately, they cannot stop.
Question: In 2016, the outgoing US President Barack Obama imposed new sanctions against Russia and expelled Russian diplomats at the very end of his term. Is Moscow expecting any attempts from Donald Trump to take similar steps and shut the door on the prospects of recovery in the relations between Moscow and Washington? And what could they be? New sanctions against Russia or Nord Stream 2, more steps to hinder future agreements on strategic stability, or something else?
Sergey Lavrov: You don’t have to wait for Donald Trump’s administration to leave office for new sanctions against Russia to be imposed. We recently cited statistics for Donald Trump’s presidential term in Washington. The sanctions against Russia have been announced 46 times. There have been sanctions against certain sectors, against legal entities and individuals in the Russian Federation. This is an absolute record for the scope of anti-Russian sanctions imposed over a four-year period. I don’t know why we need to wait for the end of the term. At any rate, Donald Trump’s administration didn’t hesitate to introduce those sanctions without any reason whatsoever. This is not a question for us. We are already used to having to rely only on ourselves.
There is this term: import substitution. Sometimes it gets a one-dimensional interpretation and prompts criticism because it is not always possible to provide a good replacement for a specific foreign product. In some cases it takes a lot of time and in other cases it is better to hope for a better foreign alternative. Sometimes people don’t want to create something of their own. But the same import substitution is necessary in a broader, global and geopolitical sense.
We can no longer structure our policy, our plans with respect to trade and energy, and our general communication with the outside world and primarily the West on the assumption that our Western partners will respect and deliver on all our agreements with them unequivocally. The West has proved that it is completely unreliable and unable to negotiate. It proved that it is often tempted to play geopolitical games and put politics before the economy when it ignored the just developments in Crimea after the coup in Ukraine, when the Russian-speaking population, Russians refused to accept its results. I have already spoken about this. That was why the West imposed sanctions. The West exhibited its complete helplessness when it failed to prevent that coup although the coup scrapped the agreement that had been negotiated by the EU. There have been many examples of the West simply working its frustration off on us for its own huge gaffes and failures in its policies. We have to get used to this.
Now there are the Skripals and Navalny, which is a total outrage. I think that the actions of our German and other Western partners have been completely unacceptable. This is an issue for a separate conversation. We can see them reaching for the sanctions baton at the slightest pretext while the actual reason for our disagreements is the fact that our Western partners are not willing to fulfil their own obligations. Be it the obligations on Ukraine, where they completely failed their mission in February 2014. Be it the clarification that we are demanding from them on the Skripals and Navalny, as well as on many other accusations they have levelled at us. We have to get used to substituting imports not only when it comes to cheese, truffles and agricultural products but also when it comes to everything that we need for a sustainable secure, steady and advanced development in all areas without exception.
To be continued…
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